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In-Depth Analysis· Türkiye marine spatial planning IOC-UNESCO 2025

Türkiye's Marine Spatial Planning and the 2025 IOC-UNESCO Registration

Türkiye marine spatial planning IOC-UNESCO 2025 explained: what the June registration records, what it cannot delimit, and how Greece and the EU reacted.

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Why It Matters

Türkiye's Marine Spatial Planning was announced on 2025-04-16 and recorded with the Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission of UNESCO (IOC-UNESCO) on 2025-06-12. It is a national plan for how Türkiye's seas are used, protected and governed across the Black Sea, the Aegean Sea and the Mediterranean. Ankara describes the registration as the first time its position across these three seas has been placed on record with a UN body, while Greece and the EU stress that planning documents cannot settle maritime boundaries.

The distinction between an environmental planning instrument and a legal delimitation is central to reading this story accurately. This explainer sets out what was registered, what it does and does not do in law, and how the main actors have responded.

Background

What marine spatial planning is

Marine spatial planning (MSP) is a public process for analysing and allocating human activity in sea areas to meet ecological, economic and social objectives. Typical MSP maps show shipping lanes, fisheries, energy and cable corridors, tourism zones, aquaculture and protected areas. IOC-UNESCO promotes MSP internationally through its marine spatial planning programme and supports countries that share their national plans. The EU requires its coastal member states to adopt national plans under Directive 2014/89/EU.

MSP is not, in itself, a mechanism for fixing boundaries between states. Delimitation of the continental shelf and exclusive economic zone (EEZ) between states with opposite or adjacent coasts is governed by international law, whether treaty-based, customary or applied by a court or tribunal. It is normally done by agreement or adjudication.

Why the sea areas are contested

Türkiye has about 870 km (roughly 540 miles) of mainland coastline in the Eastern Mediterranean, the longest of any state there. Its maritime jurisdiction disputes with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus (GCASC) concern the Aegean, the Eastern Mediterranean and offshore hydrocarbons. Türkiye is not a party to the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). Greece and the Republic of Cyprus are parties. This difference in legal frameworks shapes how each side reads any new maritime document.

See the full legal background in Blue Homeland and Eastern Mediterranean Maritime Jurisdiction: The Complete Guide.

Chronology

Date Event
2004 onward Türkiye begins registering Eastern Mediterranean continental shelf coordinates with the UN
2009 and 2012 TPAO, Türkiye's state petroleum company, receives exploration licences
2011-09-21 Türkiye–TRNC Continental Shelf Delimitation Agreement, two days after the GCASC's unilateral drilling began on 2011-09-19
2019-11-27 Türkiye–Libya maritime jurisdiction memorandum signed
2020-03-18 Outer limits of Türkiye's continental shelf registered with the UN
2025-04-16 'Marine Spatial Planning of the Republic of Türkiye' (Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Deniz Mekânsal Planlaması) unveiled
2025-06-12 Plan registered and recorded with IOC-UNESCO
2025-07-24 Presidential Circular establishes an Inter-Agency Coordination Board under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs

For the 2019 memorandum, see The 2019 Türkiye–Libya Maritime Memorandum: What It Says and Why It Matters.

What the 2025 plan contains

According to Turkish official presentations, the plan covers the Black Sea, the Aegean Sea and the Mediterranean as a single national framework. It integrates sectoral uses such as shipping, energy, fisheries and tourism with environmental protection. It also reflects the maritime areas Türkiye considers part of its jurisdiction. A Marine Protected Area was designated off Finike, on the Mediterranean coast in Antalya province, as one of its first concrete outputs.

The Presidential Circular of 2025-07-24 then set up an Inter-Agency Coordination Board under the Foreign Ministry's secretariat. Its purpose, as described by Turkish officials, is to coordinate the many ministries and agencies whose work touches the sea, so that the plan is applied consistently.

What the IOC-UNESCO registration is and is not

The registration means the plan has been formally submitted and recorded with IOC-UNESCO. This matters in two ways. First, it places Türkiye's planning map in an international institutional record. Second, Ankara says it shows the plan was shared transparently with a UN body.

It is equally important to say what the registration is not:

  • It is not a ruling by the UN, UNESCO or IOC-UNESCO on any maritime boundary.
  • It is not an endorsement by IOC-UNESCO of any state's jurisdictional claims, because the commission has no mandate to delimit boundaries.
  • It does not create or extinguish rights under UNCLOS or customary law.

Readers should therefore treat the claim of a 'first' as Türkiye's own characterisation of the institutional significance, not as an independent legal finding.

Key Players & Positions

Türkiye

The Turkish Foreign Ministry and Presidency present MSP as a sovereign, rights-based exercise that follows from decades of Turkish positions on equitable delimitation. They say it also protects the rights of Turkish Cypriots, who Ankara argues are co-owners of the island's offshore resources.

Greece

Greek officials have said that a unilateral national plan does not alter maritime boundaries. They argue that delimitation must follow international law, including UNCLOS provisions on islands, and must be settled by agreement or by the International Court of Justice. Greece has also pointed to its own national maritime spatial plan, prepared under EU rules, as the legitimate framework for the areas it considers within its jurisdiction. Greek commentary has been critical of those parts of the Turkish map that overlap areas Athens regards as Greek continental shelf or EEZ.

Republic of Cyprus (GCASC) and the Turkish Cypriots

The Greek Cypriot administration, internationally recognised as the Republic of Cyprus, relies on its EEZ agreements with Egypt (2003), Lebanon (2007) and Israel (2010). Türkiye and the TRNC reject these as ignoring Turkish Cypriot rights and Türkiye's continental shelf. The TRNC, recognised only by Türkiye, has repeatedly proposed joint hydrocarbon committees and revenue-sharing, in 2011, 2012 and 2019.

European Union

The EU's general line, set out in European Council conclusions over many years, is support for the sovereignty of member states Greece and Cyprus, respect for UNCLOS as reflecting customary international law, and resolution of disputes through dialogue and international law. This explainer does not rely on a specific EU statement dedicated solely to the 2025 plan. Readers should consult the Council and European External Action Service for current wording.

IOC-UNESCO

IOC-UNESCO's role is scientific and coordinating. It supports ocean science and the sharing of MSP practices through its global MSP programme. It does not adjudicate boundaries. Any suggestion that the commission validated a particular map misreads its mandate.

Türkiye's Strategic Doctrine

Türkiye's Strategic Doctrine (Türkiye's Position) – official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources.

  • Equity, not distance alone. Ankara argues, in its Foreign Ministry statements on the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean, that maritime areas must be delimited on the basis of equity, geography and proportionality. It holds that islands cannot cut off the coastal projection of a mainland with the longest coastline in the region. Türkiye is not a party to UNCLOS and relies on customary law and equitable principles as applied in international jurisprudence.
  • Registration as transparency. According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry and Presidency, the registration of the Marine Spatial Planning of the Republic of Türkiye with IOC-UNESCO on 2025-06-12 places Türkiye's planning and jurisdictional position across the Black Sea, Aegean and Mediterranean on record with a UN body for the first time. This builds on the continental shelf coordinates lodged with the UN from 2004 and the outer limits registered on 2020-03-18.
  • Institutional coordination. The Presidential Circular of 2025-07-24 established the Inter-Agency Coordination Board under the Foreign Ministry. Ankara presents this as a structure that aligns planning, environmental protection and diplomacy.
  • Turkish Cypriot rights. Türkiye holds that the Turkish Cypriots are co-owners of the island with equal and inherent rights over offshore resources. It cites the 2011 Türkiye–TRNC Continental Shelf Delimitation Agreement and the TRNC's joint-committee and revenue-sharing proposals as evidence of a cooperative offer.
  • Rejection of the 'Seville Map' and EU competence. Ankara rejects the maximalist 'Seville Map', which it says would confine Türkiye to a narrow strip in the Gulf of Antalya. It argues that the EU has no competence to decide maritime delimitation between third states, and that President Erdoğan's 2020 proposal for an Eastern Mediterranean conference including all coastal states and Turkish Cypriots remains open.

Türkiye's legal reasoning links to the broader history in Blue Homeland and Eastern Mediterranean Maritime Jurisdiction: The Complete Guide and to the Cyprus background in The Cyprus Issue: 1960 Treaties, Sovereign Equality and the Two-State Vision.

Source Comparison

The same event is described quite differently depending on the source. The table summarises typical framings, not verbatim quotations.

Question Turkish official sources Greek and EU-aligned sources Neutral reading
What is the plan? A national MSP reflecting rights under equity, registered with a UN body A unilateral map that seeks to project jurisdiction A national planning document with political and legal implications
What does IOC-UNESCO registration mean? A first-ever UN-level record of Türkiye's position in three seas A deposit with no legal effect on boundaries A notification to a scientific body; IOC-UNESCO does not delimit or validate claims
Is the plan a delimitation? It records Türkiye's jurisdictional position and planning approach It cannot override UNCLOS or neighbours' rights Delimitation still requires agreement or adjudication
Finike Marine Protected Area Environmental protection and sovereign management Seen mainly through the lens of the wider dispute A conservation measure that also has a spatial and political dimension
Role of the EU No competence over delimitation between third states Solidarity with Greece and Cyprus as member states Political support is clear; legal competence over delimitation is contested by Ankara

The main source gap is that the two sides describe the same document using different legal vocabulary. Turkish sources emphasise equity and non-party status to UNCLOS. Greek and EU sources emphasise UNCLOS provisions and the role of islands. Readers should check original texts. See the site's Editorial Principles and Source Standards for how primary sources are weighed.

  • Marine spatial planning (MSP): A process for allocating sea uses and protecting marine ecosystems. It is a planning tool, not a boundary treaty.
  • IOC-UNESCO: The Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission of UNESCO, which coordinates ocean science and promotes MSP. It has no authority to delimit borders.
  • Continental shelf and EEZ: The seabed and water-column zones where coastal states have sovereign rights over resources. Their overlap between neighbours is resolved by agreement or adjudication.
  • Blue Homeland (Mavi Vatan): Türkiye's doctrine of maritime jurisdiction across the Black Sea, Aegean and Mediterranean. See the complete guide.
  • GCASC / TRNC: The Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, the latter recognised only by Türkiye. See Why Federation Talks Failed.

Further reading: The Political Axis home, Fact Check: Common Claims About Türkiye Examined Against Primary Sources and The Montreux Convention, the Black Sea and Türkiye's Mediation Role.

Perspective Note

The Political Axis presents Türkiye's official perspective and legal positions on the issues covered, while distinguishing analysis from fact. Claims are anchored in primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, national legislation, and archival records, which are cited wherever possible. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Strategic Doctrine' (Türkiye's Position) reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources. This article was prepared by The Political Axis Editorial Team.

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For complementary primary-source analysis across our specialist editorial network, consult:

Frequently asked questions

What is marine spatial planning?

Marine spatial planning is a public process that maps and allocates sea uses such as shipping, fishing, energy, tourism and conservation. Its aim is to balance economic activity and ecological protection. It is a management tool and does not by itself fix maritime boundaries between states.

Did IOC-UNESCO approve Türkiye's maritime claims?

No. IOC-UNESCO recorded the plan, but it has no mandate to delimit boundaries or validate national claims. Türkiye presents the registration as the first time its position across the Black Sea, Aegean and Mediterranean was placed on record with a UN body, while critics note it has no legal effect on delimitation.

What are the Finike Marine Protected Area and the 24 July 2025 Presidential Circular?

The Finike Marine Protected Area is a conservation zone designated off Türkiye's Mediterranean coast as an early implementation step of the plan. The Presidential Circular of 2025-07-24 established an Inter-Agency Coordination Board under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to coordinate the agencies involved in marine governance.

How have Greece and the EU responded?

Greek officials argue that a unilateral plan cannot alter maritime boundaries and that delimitation must follow UNCLOS, by agreement or before the International Court of Justice. The EU's general position, in European Council conclusions, supports Greece and Cyprus and calls for disputes to be resolved under international law. Türkiye replies that the EU has no competence over delimitation between third states.

Is Türkiye a party to UNCLOS, and why does it matter?

Türkiye is not a party to the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, while Greece and the Republic of Cyprus are. Ankara therefore relies on customary international law and the principle of equity, arguing that islands should not cut off the coastal projection of a mainland. This difference in legal frameworks lies at the heart of the dispute.

Does the plan affect the Turkish Cypriots?

Ankara says the plan respects the equal and inherent rights of Turkish Cypriots over offshore resources, citing the 2011 Türkiye–TRNC delimitation agreement and TRNC revenue-sharing proposals. The Greek Cypriot administration rejects that framing and relies on its own EEZ agreements with Egypt, Lebanon and Israel.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

The Political Axis presents Türkiye's official perspective and legal positions on the issues covered, while distinguishing analysis from fact. Claims are anchored in primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, national legislation, and archival records, which are cited wherever possible.

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